{"id":1315376,"date":"2025-11-03T12:44:06","date_gmt":"2025-11-03T10:44:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/kremlin-horror-stories-why-the-rada-should-immediately-adopt-the-law-on-the-language-charter\/"},"modified":"2025-11-04T05:36:04","modified_gmt":"2025-11-04T03:36:04","slug":"kremlin-horror-stories-why-the-rada-should-immediately-adopt-the-law-on-the-language-charter","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/kremlin-horror-stories-why-the-rada-should-immediately-adopt-the-law-on-the-language-charter\/","title":{"rendered":"Kremlin Horror Stories: Why the Rada Is Still Afraid to Defend Ukraine\u2019s Language Front"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>Source: Author&#8217;s <a href=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/tarasshamayda\/posts\/pfbid02FsetNg2jhZ1gQd8RTdPCz79TnxHxCejnWio41wsxcqDXsWCsEKZXtq14TqJaW54Bl\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">Facebook<\/a> page<\/em><\/p>\n<p data-start=\"98\" data-end=\"561\"><strong>The issue is not about linguistics \u2014 it\u2019s about sovereignty. The Verkhovna Rada\u2019s hesitation to adopt Bill No. 14120 on the Language Charter plays straight into Moscow\u2019s hands. Every delay strengthens the Kremlin\u2019s favorite narrative: that Ukraine can\u2019t or won\u2019t defend its own cultural foundation. Attempts to block this law are not \u201cdebates about minority rights\u201d \u2014 they are deliberate, pro-Russian operations aimed at eroding Ukraine\u2019s statehood from within.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>The <strong data-start=\"146\" data-end=\"201\">European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages<\/strong> is a Council of Europe document designed to protect linguistic diversity across the continent. Contrary to Russian propaganda, the Charter does <strong data-start=\"346\" data-end=\"353\">not<\/strong> protect the rights of national minorities as such \u2014 it protects <strong data-start=\"418\" data-end=\"431\">languages<\/strong> that are endangered or require special support.<\/p>\n<p>The Charter is <strong data-start=\"501\" data-end=\"508\">not<\/strong> a benchmark of a country\u2019s \u201cEuropeanness\u201d or democratic maturity. Many EU member states \u2014 including <strong data-start=\"609\" data-end=\"670\">Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Greece, Bulgaria, and Belgium<\/strong> \u2014 have never signed it, which has in no way affected their EU membership. Others, such as <strong data-start=\"761\" data-end=\"771\">France<\/strong> and <strong data-start=\"776\" data-end=\"785\">Italy<\/strong>, have signed but not ratified it. Needless to say, <strong data-start=\"837\" data-end=\"847\">Russia<\/strong> has not signed the Charter either, though it routinely exploits the document to pressure Ukraine and other states.<\/p>\n<p><strong data-start=\"969\" data-end=\"980\">Ukraine<\/strong>, even under <strong data-start=\"993\" data-end=\"1003\">Kuchma<\/strong> and <strong data-start=\"1008\" data-end=\"1021\">Tabachnyk<\/strong>, not only signed the Charter but also managed to <strong data-start=\"1071\" data-end=\"1090\">ratify it twice<\/strong>. The first ratification law, adopted in 1999, was declared <strong data-start=\"1150\" data-end=\"1170\" data-is-only-node=\"\">unconstitutional<\/strong> by the <strong data-start=\"1178\" data-end=\"1202\">Constitutional Court<\/strong> in 2000. As a result, the Charter was <strong data-start=\"1241\" data-end=\"1259\">ratified again<\/strong> in 2003.<\/p>\n\t\t<aside class=\"shortcode-also\" data-title=\"Read also\" >\n\t\t<a href=\"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/the-russians-have-committed-linguocide-in-the-occupied-territories-what-should-ukraine-do\/\">The Russians have committed linguocide in the occupied territories: what should Ukraine do?<\/a>\n\t<\/aside>\n\n<p data-start=\"127\" data-end=\"596\">None of this would have mattered if Ukraine\u2019s pro-Russian authorities had not <strong data-start=\"205\" data-end=\"247\">deliberately distorted the translation<\/strong> of the Charter. Its name \u2014 <em data-start=\"275\" data-end=\"328\">European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages<\/em> \u2014 and the key term were rendered as <strong data-start=\"365\" data-end=\"412\">\u201cregional languages or MINORITY LANGUAGES.\u201d<\/strong> This manipulation was intentional, allowing the 2003 ratification law to claim it protected \u201clanguages of such national minorities\u201d and to insert the Russian language into the list.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"598\" data-end=\"878\">As a result, Russian was enshrined in Ukrainian law alongside languages that genuinely require state support. Yet, Russian was never under threat in Ukraine; on the contrary, it has long posed a <strong data-start=\"792\" data-end=\"878\">threat to both the Ukrainian state language and Ukraine\u2019s true minority languages.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p data-start=\"883\" data-end=\"1201\">This <strong data-start=\"888\" data-end=\"904\">shameful law<\/strong>, which distorts the Charter\u2019s text and contradicts <strong data-start=\"956\" data-end=\"988\">Ukraine\u2019s national interests<\/strong> and <strong data-start=\"993\" data-end=\"1009\">common sense<\/strong>, remains in force. The need for a correct official translation and amendments to the ratification law has been repeatedly emphasized by Ukrainian lawyers, linguists, and public authorities.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"1203\" data-end=\"1301\">On <strong data-start=\"1206\" data-end=\"1223\">July 14, 2021<\/strong>, the <strong data-start=\"1229\" data-end=\"1264\">Constitutional Court of Ukraine<\/strong>, in Decision No. 1-r\/2021, stated:<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"1203\" data-end=\"1301\">\u201cThe Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, in accordance with their powers and competence, must establish clarity regarding the official translation of the Charter into Ukrainian, and take all necessary actions to ensure Ukraine properly fulfills its obligations under the Charter as an international treaty, since the existing legal disorder undermines the effectiveness of Articles 8, 9, 10, and 11 of the Constitution of Ukraine.\u201d<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"1816\" data-end=\"2160\">In <strong data-start=\"1819\" data-end=\"1827\">2024<\/strong>, the <strong data-start=\"1833\" data-end=\"1855\">Shmyhal government<\/strong> introduced a bill that fully complied with the Constitutional Court\u2019s order. The <strong data-start=\"1937\" data-end=\"1963\">humanitarian committee<\/strong> of the Verkhovna Rada approved it. However, just <strong data-start=\"2013\" data-end=\"2067\">one day before the plenary session in January 2025<\/strong>, the bill was removed from the agenda, allegedly due to pressure from unnamed \u201cEuropeans.\u201d<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"2162\" data-end=\"2488\">History repeated itself: the bill was postponed \u201cfor a few weeks\u201d to avoid upsetting these mysterious \u201cEuropean partners.\u201d Yet the <strong data-start=\"2293\" data-end=\"2319\">Servants of the People<\/strong> faction never returned the bill to the agenda before Shmyhal\u2019s resignation, which, under parliamentary rules, caused the <strong data-start=\"2442\" data-end=\"2466\">automatic withdrawal<\/strong> of the legislation.<\/p>\n\t\t<aside class=\"shortcode-also\" data-title=\"Read also\" data-right>\n\t\t<a href=\"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/zelensky-forgot-about-the-date-of-the-upa-s-founding\/\">Did Zelensky Just Erase the UPA from History?<\/a>\n\t<\/aside>\n\n<p data-start=\"125\" data-end=\"576\"><strong data-start=\"125\" data-end=\"139\">Bill 14120<\/strong>, introduced by the Svyrydenko government, largely replicates the previous draft and, importantly, <strong data-start=\"238\" data-end=\"279\">does not include the Russian language<\/strong>. Credit is due to the Ministry of Culture, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Cabinet as a whole for demonstrating consistency on this issue. The <strong data-start=\"432\" data-end=\"458\">Humanitarian Committee<\/strong> recommended adopting the bill in full, with important clarifications to protect the Yiddish, Rumey, and Urum languages.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"581\" data-end=\"959\">The bill was initially placed on the plenary agenda for the first week of November. However, as is now clear, at the request of <strong data-start=\"709\" data-end=\"741\">Deputy Prime Minister Kachka<\/strong> and the <strong data-start=\"750\" data-end=\"807\">Head of the State Service for Ethnopolitics, Yelensky<\/strong>, the <strong data-start=\"813\" data-end=\"839\">Servants of the People<\/strong> faction intends to shelve it \u2014 once again, just as in January, under the pretext of semi-mythical \u201cEuropean experts.\u201d<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"964\" data-end=\"1490\">It is obvious that any Ukrainian or foreign figures who advocate preserving a <strong data-start=\"1042\" data-end=\"1082\">falsified translation of the Charter<\/strong> and obstruct the implementation of the <strong data-start=\"1122\" data-end=\"1154\">Constitutional Court\u2019s order<\/strong> are acting against both the <strong data-start=\"1183\" data-end=\"1216\">national interests of Ukraine<\/strong> and common sense. No European integration rhetoric \u2014 the kind once favored by Tabachnyk, Kivalov, and Kolesnichenko \u2014 can conceal the fact that such actions benefit <strong data-start=\"1382\" data-end=\"1410\">only the aggressor state<\/strong>, Russia, which uses the Russian language as a <strong data-start=\"1457\" data-end=\"1487\">tool of war and occupation<\/strong>.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"1496\" data-end=\"1948\"><strong data-start=\"1496\" data-end=\"1506\">No one<\/strong> \u2014 neither Russian lobbyists in European institutions nor individual government officials obstructing the adoption of their own government\u2019s draft law \u2014 should dictate which bills the parliament considers. The <strong data-start=\"1716\" data-end=\"1790\">Commissioner for the Protection of the State Language, Olena Ivanovska<\/strong>, along with numerous MPs and public figures who have recently urged the parliament <strong data-start=\"1874\" data-end=\"1921\">not to postpone consideration of Bill 14120<\/strong>, are absolutely correct.<\/p>\n\n<p data-start=\"101\" data-end=\"599\">We must categorically reject the demagogy claiming that <strong data-start=\"157\" data-end=\"242\">removing the Russian language from the list of languages protected by the Charter<\/strong> somehow violates minority rights. The Russian language will still receive <strong data-start=\"317\" data-end=\"374\">legal protection on par with other minority languages<\/strong>, of which Ukraine has dozens. However, it will <strong data-start=\"422\" data-end=\"455\">not be among the 15 languages<\/strong> for which Ukraine is obligated under the Charter to provide <strong data-start=\"516\" data-end=\"551\">enhanced protection and support<\/strong>, in line with the Charter\u2019s original purpose.<\/p>\n<p data-start=\"101\" data-end=\"599\">The horror stories suggesting that the adoption of <strong data-start=\"656\" data-end=\"670\">Bill 14120<\/strong> would hinder Ukraine\u2019s European integration are <strong data-start=\"719\" data-end=\"739\">blatant bluffing<\/strong>. Any European figure opposing the correction of the Charter\u2019s distorted translation, and its proper use \u2014 including the protection of Yiddish, Urum, and Rumey languages \u2014 exposes themselves as <strong data-start=\"933\" data-end=\"980\">Russian agents, xenophobes, or anti-Semites<\/strong>. Only long-standing Russian operatives would take such a position. It is therefore <strong data-start=\"1064\" data-end=\"1075\">crucial<\/strong> that Ukrainian officials and MPs refuse to act as passive executors of Moscow\u2019s whims.<\/p>\n<p>Also, follow <strong>\u201cPryamyi\u201d<\/strong> on <a href=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/pryamiy\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">Facebook<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/prm_ua\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">Twitter<\/a>, <a href=\"https:\/\/t.me\/+rtV4dxYu2_cyNjVi\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">Telegram<\/a>, and <a href=\"https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/pryamiy\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\">Instagram<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 10pt;\"><em>\u2022 Materials published in the \u201cOPINIONS\u201d section reflect the opinion of the author of the publication, who bears full responsibility for the accuracy of the information.<\/em><\/span><br \/>\n<span style=\"font-size: 10pt;\"><em>\u2022 The editorial staff of prm.ua may not share the opinions expressed in the author&#8217;s material.<\/em><\/span><br \/>\n<span style=\"font-size: 10pt;\"><em>\u2022 The owner of the webpage in the \u201cOPINIONS\u201d section is the author of the publication.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Source: Author&#8217;s Facebook page The issue is not about linguistics \u2014 it\u2019s about sovereignty. The Verkhovna Rada\u2019s hesitation to adopt Bill No. 14120 on the Language Charter plays straight into Moscow\u2019s hands. Every delay strengthens the Kremlin\u2019s favorite narrative: that Ukraine can\u2019t or won\u2019t defend its own cultural foundation. Attempts to block this law are [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":57,"featured_media":1285814,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"ep_exclude_from_search":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[76871,76872,76893],"class_list":["post-1315376","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-news-2","category-news-feed","category-thoughts"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1315376","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/57"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1315376"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1315376\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1315709,"href":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1315376\/revisions\/1315709"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1285814"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1315376"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1315376"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}