{"id":1409887,"date":"2026-06-24T18:10:08","date_gmt":"2026-06-24T15:10:08","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/putin-is-a-ram-in-sheeps-clothing-trying-to-appear-as-a-formidable-predator-says-yuriy-lutsenko\/"},"modified":"2026-06-24T18:12:35","modified_gmt":"2026-06-24T15:12:35","slug":"putin-is-a-ram-in-sheeps-clothing-trying-to-appear-as-a-formidable-predator-says-yuriy-lutsenko","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/prm.ua\/en\/putin-is-a-ram-in-sheeps-clothing-trying-to-appear-as-a-formidable-predator-says-yuriy-lutsenko\/","title":{"rendered":"“Putin is a ram in sheep’s clothing trying to appear as a formidable predator,” says Yuriy Lutsenko"},"content":{"rendered":"

What’s really behind the diplomatic row between Kyiv and Warsaw<\/a>? Why are historical wounds once again being used as political weapons? What secret technology is helping the Ukrainian Armed Forces destroy enemy air defenses in Crimea, and why is the peninsula gradually turning into a trap for occupation forces? Prominent Ukrainian politician Yuriy Lutsenko discusses these and other topics in his interview.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Host: President Volodymyr Zelenskyy continues to insist in his rhetoric that politics is everything in relations with Poland, comparing the situation to Viktor Orb\u00e1n’s Hungary. How can things be improved?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Yuriy Lutsenko:<\/strong> Firstly, Poland was the first country to recognize Ukraine’s independence. It did so because for a long time, Poland served as the first trench against Russian (and formerly Soviet) imperialism. Therefore, an independent and strong Ukraine is extremely advantageous for the Poles. This has been understood by all Polish presidents from the early 1990s to this day.<\/p>\n

Since Polish leaders recognized the many difficult chapters in our shared history, they adopted the historic formula: “We forgive and ask for forgiveness.” It wasn’t simply announced and signed: the presidents and prime ministers of both countries vividly demonstrated it at the sites of the tragedies. This is why, by the time the war with Russia began, only 19% of Poles held hostile attitudes toward Ukrainians.<\/p>\n

Of course, the roots of this issue run deep. It’s not just about the UPA\u2014if there had been no UPA, we would have remembered Bohdan Khmelnytsky, Severyn Nalyvaiko, or someone else. We, too, have our own historical scars. I will never forget how, as Minister of the Interior, I laid flowers at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Warsaw. The memorial there lists all the victories of Polish arms, and Kyiv is mentioned twice: when the city was captured by the army of Boles\u0142aw the Brave in the 11th century and when Polish troops entered it in 1918. But these are all pages of the past.<\/p>\n

Since 1991, rational politicians in both countries have set a course for the future: remembering the past, apologizing, but building a common future. However, the far-right in Poland has relied on finding an enemy. Previously, the Germans were often this supposed enemy, but after European integration, Poland achieved a huge economic boost precisely thanks to close cooperation with Germany. Since Germany can fight back economically, the far-right has turned its attention to the Ukrainians, who are currently preoccupied with the war with Russia and are finding it difficult to respond.<\/p>\n

Due to the demonization of the Volyn tragedy and the hushing up of the crimes of Catherine the Great, Stalin, Katyn, and even the Smolensk air disaster, the level of hostility toward Ukrainians in Poland has risen from 19% to 43%. This is why Donald Tusk’s liberal forces won the election by a slim margin, and the presidential campaign is being led by a figure of the past, the head of the Institute of National Remembrance, Karol Nawrocki, whose gaze is fixed on the past. He is already preparing for the upcoming elections, whipping up the electorate with the theme of demonizing Ukrainians.<\/p>\n

What should we do about this? I know the history of this issue quite well; I studied with Poles, and the mother of a close Polish friend died during the Volyn tragedy in my native Rivne region. We can argue endlessly about who killed more than whom, why citizens of what was then Poland (which is what the UPA fighters were) killed Poles, and what caused it. No military leader of one country will ever be a hero to another: Napoleon is no hero to Austria, nor is Alexander the Great to Iran. Bandera and Shukhevych operated in a brutal war, fueled by both the Germans and Soviet communists. But for Ukraine, the UPA became a symbol not because of its fight against the Poles, but because of its resistance to the Soviet Union in the struggle for independence. This is precisely what the Polish side is silent about.<\/p>\n

Such discussions should take place in a calm atmosphere among historians. However, Polish politicians are exploiting fresh graves for domestic political purposes. The solution to this is obvious: we need bipartisan support, like in the US. We need to work not only with Tusk’s liberals, but also with Poland’s right-wing parties, where there are many conscientious individuals. After all, Lech Walesa positioned himself as a right-winger, but was a great friend of Ukraine.<\/p>\n

Unfortunately, we hoped that everything would resolve itself automatically and put diplomacy with Poland on the back burner. We ignored warning signs: border blockades, incidents involving beatings of Ukrainians, and rising xenophobia. And what are the consequences now? Recently, the Russians launched a powerful attack on a foreign grain vessel in Odesa. They are trying to close our maritime corridor. This means we desperately need a land corridor that runs through Poland.<\/p>\n

The return of Poland’s highest honors by four Ukrainian presidents after Warsaw’s provocative statements was the right move. It demonstrated that Ukraine is not a former colony of the Polish mini-empire and that we have national dignity. To the formula “We forgive and ask for forgiveness,” we added the principle: “On our own soil, we have our own heroes.” But after this demarche, we must stop and end the political show. We must extend a hand of friendship again, because together we are stronger. We must engage both diplomacy and civil society organizations, because without Poland, our accession to the EU is impossible. We cannot sacrifice our future to someone else’s elections.<\/p>\n

Host: Should we simply wait and hope for common sense on both sides, or should the Ukrainian side take more initiative?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Yuriy Lutsenko:<\/strong> You have to wait and be able to restrain yourself for the sake of results. I, too, would like to share everything I know about historical grievances, but I also understand the Polish side. One could debate at length why half of the Polish king’s army at Berestechko consisted of Ukrainians who fought against Bohdan Khmelnytsky, or why the Ukrainian princes Vyshnevetsky and Ostrogsky supported the Polish crown. However, what we need now is national discipline.<\/p>\n

The distinguished Polish thinker and patriot Jerzy Giedroyc once founded the magazine “Kultura” in Paris, where he called on Ukrainians and Poles to discuss historical grievances in order to unite against Soviet Russia. He wrote that Poland gained independence thanks to national discipline, while Ataman Zag\u0142oba still flies across the Ukrainian steppes, slashing at friends and foes with his sabre. Today, we must prove that we have learned these lessons. It’s time to bite our tongues when it comes to expressing grievances and seek friends in such a strategically important country as Poland.<\/p>\n

Host: Ukraine is experiencing terrible pain and loss, which is making the nation wiser. How should President Zelenskyy, representing the country on the international stage, act in this context?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Yuriy Lutsenko:<\/strong> When they criticize us for Volyn at the Lychakiv Cemetery in Lviv, where ten new graves of our defenders appear every day next to Polish war graves, it’s untimely. I have a problem with the Poles on this issue: let’s end the war first, and then discuss history. We can’t discuss old graves when new ones are being added daily by a common enemy. But we, too, must act wisely.<\/p>\n

President Zelenskyy must demonstrate statesmanship: attend the forum in Gdansk, take a balanced position, and stop ambiguously juggling words like, “I’m Volodymyr, but not the Great, and you’re a king, not Carol.” This isn’t the level of a president. In this situation, we need calm, firmness in defending national interests, and a search for a common future.<\/p>\n

Presenter: Representatives of the Polish President’s office sometimes make very harsh statements, for example, mentioning Gerhard Schr\u00f6der. Is it possible to engage in constructive dialogue with them?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Yuriy Lutsenko:<\/strong> No, constructive dialogue with them is impossible. They have a clear domestic political interest\u2014to mobilize their electorate by increasing the share of anti-Ukrainian sentiment to 50%. Any conversation with them will turn into an emotional show and manipulation.<\/p>\n

We need to talk to right-wing, left-wing, and liberal figures in Poland who understand that no election is worth the friendship between the two nations. Every time Ukraine and Poland fought, only Russia won. Conversely, when we united, we jointly defeated the enemy at Orsha and Konotop. Anyone who ignores these lessons will again wait another hundred years for their statehood to be restored. Therefore, our rule is not to feed the trolls, but to speak with competent partners.<\/p>\n

Host: The victory in Crimea and the attacks on Russia inspire us, but the military warns that if the enemy withdraws its troops from the peninsula, they will be redeployed to other difficult areas, such as Donetsk. Furthermore, Refat Chubarov noted that Crimea is a sacred place for Putin, and he may try to destroy it. What are the prospects for de-occupying Crimea, and what risks does this pose?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Yuriy Lutsenko:<\/strong> There are no simple black-and-white answers in this situation, but there are still more positive aspects. Let’s try to analyze the situation in detail.<\/p>\n

Our weakness is mobilization and the lack of infantry in the trenches. For now, this deficiency is compensated for by the huge number of drones and the skill of our operators, who keep the enemy within a kill zone of 20-30 kilometers. This ensures the relative stability of the front.<\/p>\n

Moreover, in the drone technology war, we have successfully secured a third wave of superiority over the Russians. This is facilitated not only by UAV modernization but also by the introduction of advanced AI-based battle management systems, in particular the American Palantir platform. It integrates data from space, sensors, and reconnaissance, offering fast and error-free decision-making algorithms. This is a colossal advantage.<\/p>\n

Thanks to these technologies and US support, we were able to first destroy the enemy’s air defenses in Crimea and the Donetsk region, and then penetrate even Moscow’s multilayered air defenses. Crimea, which Putin saw as the pedestal for his historical monument, is now literally slipping out from under his feet.<\/p>\n

War always returns to where it started if the victim of aggression demonstrates strength and persistence. It has already returned to Moscow and Crimea. I spoke with commander Robert Brovdi (“Madyar”), and he confirms that all the necessary resources are available to strengthen the blockade of the peninsula. The fuel shortage in Crimea will only worsen, leading to a collapse of logistics, food supply disruptions, and the shutdown of utilities and generators providing water.<\/p>\n

A blockade of Crimea, with its two million inhabitants, is a powerful trump card that will force Putin to cease fire. He could ignore the Kursk or Voronezh regions, but he won’t be able to hide the loss of “sacred” Crimea.<\/p>\n

However, we mustn’t have any illusions: a drone can’t drink coffee in Yalta\u2014the infantry must go there. Therefore, the Supreme Commander-in-Chief must finally bring order to the mobilization and financial support of the military. It is unacceptable that during the war, the country has been raising salaries for everyone except those fighting on the front lines. Without resolving this issue, we will not be able to enter Ukrainian Crimea.<\/p>\n

Regarding geopolitics: Donald Trump claimed that Ukraine doesn’t have any strong cards. But card game experts know that the best hand is a royal flush. Today, we already have four of those winning cards: the stability of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, a Killzone, funding for the resistance for at least two years, and a drone blockade of Crimea. We’re only missing one card\u2014a missile ace. Drones can snuff out oil depots, but long-range missiles are needed to destroy military plants.<\/p>\n

We don’t need promises, but actual deliveries of dozens of missiles monthly. If we get this fifth card, the situation will change dramatically. Trump, as a pragmatic and populist politician, likes to support winners. When he sees factories burning in Russia, Crimea blockaded, and the occupying forces making no progress, he’ll want to be part of this victory. It’s perfectly American style\u2014to join in at the final stage and declare victory.<\/p>\n