Elections? Who Needs Fairy Tales Anyway?

Source: Author’s Facebook page

The hype over potential May elections hasn’t just fueled conspiracy theories—it’s a stark reminder of how predictable politics can feel in a country still mired in war and in a world that seems increasingly scripted.

Is there logic in preparing for the elections and the political process, which under normal security conditions would not be a whim of the President’s Office or a demand of Western partners, but a completely natural step—a return to electoral normality, political competition, and the realization of the right of Ukrainians to free expression of their will?

These are basic things. They don’t need to be explained to my audience.

But it’s a completely different matter—how stubbornly the idea is imposed on us that elections can be held right now. That everyone is already off to a low start, and Ukrainians will go to the polls on May 15.

It seems that the players pushing for elections in Ukraine have completely defied expectations.

Let’s be honest—both Russia and the US, when talking about the elections in Ukraine, hope that Zelensky will no longer be president. Both in Moscow and in Washington, different motives. We can guess about them. In the Office of the President, of course, they think differently—and the last words of Volodymyr Oleksandrovych, that he “will still think about whether to run,” indicate that the issue is not closed.

According to my information, the US understands that the only one who can really win the elections in these conditions—a short election campaign—is Zelensky. And that is why Washington has not insisted on their urgent holding in recent months.

But why does the OP believe that the “formula for early elections” will be acceptable to Moscow?

I wrote last year: one of Russia’s strategic tasks is to sow chaos inside our rear and then mobilize resources and strike precisely when society’s attention is unfocused. The best way to do this is at the peak of the election campaign, when politics, not the army and not security, will become the No. 1 topic.

Therefore, even if Russia allows time for elections, we need to think a hundred times over about what kind of pig in a poke it is trying to sell us. The enemy’s task during this period of time is not to strengthen us but, on the contrary, to weaken us. Perhaps this is the ultimate goal, which involves early elections and a referendum.

As a result, “emergency elections” may create additional problems rather than solve existing ones.

Two more words about the referendum. It can become even more explosive than the topic of elections. The decisions of the referendum are not binding. But even theoretical discussions that touch on the issue of territorial integrity are precisely the topic that can drive a wedge into the public debate and become a dangerous trigger for various target groups, including the military.
I understand that the game of appealing to the domestic political audience has begun again. Notice how opinion leaders are now helping to “inflate” Kirill Budanov’s trust rating (even though it remains organically high). At the same time, look at how they are “downgrading” Zaluzhny. Observe the dominance of billboards with generally correct slogans from military units. This isn’t really about elections, is it?
But I constantly repeat, albeit banally, but obviously, we still have to live until the elections. And the main thing is to hold them in a way that no one feels ashamed of—not for the procedure, and certainly not for the outcome.
There will be no such elections this year.

As a reminder, Western media previously reported that the US demanded elections in Ukraine be held by May 15. Moreover, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was allegedly planning to announce presidential elections along with a referendum on the peace agreement on February 24. However, sources on Bankova have denied this information.

Meanwhile, more than 55% of Ukrainians are against holding elections before the end of the war, according to a survey conducted by New Image Marketing Group. The idea of holding elections before the end of the war is generally approved by 36.5%: of these, 19% completely support it, and 17.5% rather support it. Overall, 55.5% are against it: 28.5% completely oppose it, and 27% are somewhat opposed. Another 8% were unable to answer.

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