“We have a very narrow, but quite real window of opportunity to end the war,” said Petro Poroshenko

Ukraine has a unique historical opportunity to end the war in the near future. The enemy is currently showing signs of significant weakening internationally. However, new challenges are emerging within the country that could threaten national security and unity. Fifth President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko discussed these domestic challenges and the international situation in an exclusive interview with Priamy.

Host: Petro Oleksiyovych, welcome! We’ve been sincerely waiting for you and are grateful that you responded so quickly to our invitation. We know that you always support freedom of speech and independent media, of which there are few left in Ukraine.

Petro Poroshenko: Welcome. I’m also very pleased to be here and thank you for the invitation. I especially respect the Pryamyi TV channel. You’ve done a great job, and I have great respect and admiration for you!

Host: Recent statements and events of recent days require in-depth analysis. In particular, following the meeting in London between the leaders of Great Britain, France, Germany, and Ukraine, new proposals for ending the fighting emerged. They called on Putin to immediately ceasefire, with the current line of contact serving as the starting point for negotiations. The West’s position is that borders cannot be changed by force, and Ukraine’s right to choose its alliances must be respected. However, many people are reminded of the Minsk agreements. How do you assess these initiatives, and does this truly resemble a new “Minsk”?

Petro Poroshenko: Thank you very much for this question. I really want to point out that we currently have a very narrow, but very real, window of opportunity to end the war .

I believe the logic of first setting specific territorial conditions for the start of negotiations and then discussing security guarantees is completely flawed. No, that’s the wrong way to go. I categorically reject the so-called 28 points of “Putin’s plan,” which were supposedly agreed upon in Istanbul. That’s a completely KGB-like scenario, and Putin is a KGB officer. If the plan contains 15, 20, or 28 points, we’ll simply get confused and lose sight of the main goals for which the negotiations are being initiated. Peace cannot be achieved that way.

I presented my plan without exception to every ambassador from the European Union member states that are also NATO members, and it generated enormous interest. I also presented it at a meeting with President Zelenskyy. Despite the difficult nature of our conversation, I saw for the first time a fundamental change: we may be moving closer to a shared vision for ending the war. I hadn’t sensed this intuitively in his speeches before. So what gives me grounds for cautious optimism, and why am I talking about a window of opportunity? Primarily because Putin is weak right now. And I’m prepared to back this up.

Host: How real, and not just virtual, is this “window of opportunity”? You recently met with ambassadors from all 27 EU countries and presented them with your peace plan. Why has this opportunity arisen now, and what are your main arguments?

Poroshenko: I will try to argue my position in detail.

First, Putin’s weakness. Naturally, he’s not prepared to end the war voluntarily. But now, our coordinated actions with our partners can exert effective pressure and force him to make peace. Look at his defeats around the world: Russia’s sphere of influence is shrinking like shagreen. Today, Putin lost Armenia. This is a significant event. Russia pressured Nikol Pashinyan’s government with every possible means: from outright blackmail and the closure of markets for fruit, wine, tobacco, and spices to threats to implement the “Ukrainian scenario.” The result: over 50% of Armenian citizens supported a European development vector and spoke out against Russia. For the Kremlin, this is a crushing defeat.

Putin had previously suffered a similar defeat in Moldova, in the presidential election won by Maia Sandu, and in the EU referendum. Neither Transnistria, nor gas blackmail, nor Telegram technology and the influx of political strategists in support of Dodon and other pro-Russian forces helped. The third defeat was in Hungary, where Putin practically danced a hopak to help Orbán, who had ruled the country for 16 years and done everything to block Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration and financial aid. Hungary’s constitutional majority supported the new pro-European leader, Péter Magyar. Add to this Maduro’s defeat in Venezuela, the critical situation in Cuba, the defeat of Russian private military companies in Mali, and the loss of influence in Sub-Saharan Africa. The world sees that Putin is no longer capable of providing his satellites with security, finances, or weapons.

Secondly, the situation at the front. Despite the dire situation and the enormous burden on the Ukrainian Armed Forces, the occupiers’ advance has slowed to almost nothing. Commander-in-Chief Syrsky provided the first figures: over the past month, we have liberated 100 square kilometers more territory than the Russians captured. In just one month, the enemy lost approximately 30,000 soldiers killed and seriously wounded. Putin cannot ignore such losses.

Third, the economy. Despite high oil prices and transit through Ukraine via the Druzhba pipeline, Russian export volumes have fallen to record lows. The Russian budget is in total deficit, making it increasingly difficult to finance the war. Gold sales on Asian markets no longer cover their expenses. Russia can recruit 20% fewer contract soldiers than the Ukrainian Armed Forces are liquidating.

What signals should Putin hear? The first is an immediate, comprehensive, and unconditional ceasefire. Russia will be unable to object to this signal in the international community.

The second factor is the growing effectiveness of our new type of diplomacy, namely, “drone diplomacy.” Previously, our drones couldn’t reach Russian rear-area facilities on such a scale. Now they successfully strike Russian oil refineries, ammunition depots, and decision-making centers. This demonstrates the complete inadequacy of Russian air defense systems to counter modern Ukrainian drones equipped with artificial intelligence. Their much-touted S-300, S-400, and Pantsir systems have proven ineffective. Now it’s just a matter of arithmetic: if they can shoot down 100 drones, we’ll launch 200; if 400, we’ll launch 1,000. Nothing but a ceasefire will save Russia from the Ukrainian Armed Forces.

Fourth, the consolidation of allies. The meeting in London is very significant. Whereas previously they set conditions and preconditions, now Germany, France, and the UK have spoken with one voice. This is essentially a “Normandy format plus.” Our demand is clear: an immediate ceasefire. If Putin doesn’t heed this, we’ll implement Plan B: even more long-range weapons, more air defense, increased sanctions, and the blocking of Russia’s shadow fleet.

To implement this plan, we need to synchronize the efforts of Europe and the United States. Donald Trump is currently facing midterm congressional elections. The main issues on American voters’ minds are inflation and fuel prices. For the United States, aid to Ukraine isn’t charity, but a strategic investment in global security. Trump is interested in resolving the Persian Gulf crisis and lowering oil prices, which would hurt Russia.

Of course, we are paying a terrible price for this war. Our cities – Zaporizhzhia, Dnipro, Pavlohrad, Sumy, Kherson, Chernihiv – have effectively become frontline cities. Every day, people die from “shahids,” “Iskanders,” and “Kalibrary” rockets. This also motivates us to seek a ceasefire, because there is no nation in the world that desires peace more than the Ukrainians.

I proposed to EU ambassadors that they appoint a special representative of the European Commission for the upcoming negotiations. We need a powerful diplomat like Kurt Volker, who was appointed by Trump for the Minsk process. A joint position with our Western partners will make Ukraine stronger in the negotiations. Once the ceasefire is stopped and arms supplies are guaranteed, one key issue will remain on the agenda: Ukraine’s full membership in NATO.

Host: There’s currently considerable skepticism among both the public and experts about NATO’s ability to effectively counter Russian provocations. We see Russian drones violating Romanian airspace or crashing into civilian targets, and all we hear in response is “deep concern.” Why do you continue to insist on NATO membership as Ukraine’s primary security guarantee? Do you still believe in the Alliance?

Petro Poroshenko: You’re absolutely right about the skepticism, not just in Ukraine but globally. But for me, the glass is always half full, while for the skeptics, it’s half empty. My advice to everyone: don’t get depressed and believe in victory.

Is NATO capable of protecting Ukraine right now, in its current status? No. But that’s precisely why we must become full members of the North Atlantic Alliance. Today, Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen, a great friend of Ukraine, supported this position. She frankly admitted that if Ukraine had been admitted to NATO earlier, this war would not have happened. Ukraine has the strongest and most experienced army on the European continent. Ukraine’s accession to NATO isn’t about participating in military operations; it’s about preventing the outbreak of a new large-scale war in the future. My clear prediction is that by 2030, Ukraine will finally receive the green light to join NATO. But the first priority is stopping the war.

Host: You recalled your first meeting with Volodymyr Zelenskyy in several years on Bankova Street, where you discussed peace. Did you discuss the creation of a national unity coalition? After all, recent opinion polls show that over 60% of Ukrainians support this idea.

Petro Poroshenko: Of course, we discussed this. We agreed not to disclose all the details of the conversation, and I will keep my word. I’ll be frank: this is not an easy path, and we haven’t yet reached any final agreements, as our starting points were very distant.

However, we need to return to normal political life—to what was called “Back to Normalcy” or “Return to Normality” in the United States after World War I. We need to restore the normal functioning of parliament and restore its oversight function. When the Verkhovna Rada doesn’t oversee processes but simply follows orders from the Bankova, corruption flourishes, problems arise with defense procurement, fortification construction, and attacks on independent anti-corruption infrastructure.

Today’s mono-majority is incapable of passing laws on its own, even with the remains of the banned Opposition Platform – For Life party. However, we are finally beginning to engage in constructive dialogue. For the first time in seven years, a government delegation has joined the opposition, a parliamentary speaker has been appointed, and our proposals have been incorporated into a number of laws, from military levies to European integration initiatives.

We also had a constructive conversation with Digital Transformation Minister Mykhailo Fedorov. He presented a clear reform program and asked for assistance. For us, this isn’t political gamesmanship, but a responsible approach to national defense. I’d also like to note some positive changes in coordination between the Office of the President and Parliament following the personnel changes. The format of one-on-one communication between the President and the faction leaders is very useful. This dialogue has benefited everyone: the military, the President, the opposition, and, most importantly, Ukraine.

Host: Regarding our membership in the European Union: the authorities often announce grandiose dates and promises, but experts note that real reforms, in particular the 10-point reform plan (the “Kachki-Kos plan”), are effectively at a standstill. Is there a risk that we will be separated from Moldova in the package, and what are our real chances of becoming an EU member by 2030?

Petro Poroshenko: The risk of us being separated from Moldova truly exists. And not because anyone dislikes us, but because Chisinau has already done a significant part of its homework, while in many areas we’re still struggling. Our parliament is in crisis, but European Solidarity offers a simple solution: involve us in drafting bills, we’ll remove harmful provisions, improve the quality of the documents, and vote for them.

We are now at a very important juncture. The European Commission has approved a €90 billion aid package, secured by revenues from frozen Russian assets. This is a very advantageous financial structure for us. However, the document clearly states that if reforms are rolled back, these funds will have to be repaid. This is a serious incentive for the authorities.

I recently had a productive meeting with EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos. Ukraine is set to receive another tranche of €2.8 billion in aid soon. We discussed priority legislation, including reform of the State Investigation Bureau (SIB) and cleanup of the financial monitoring system. Furthermore, the first “Fundamentals” negotiating cluster on the rule of law is scheduled to open on June 15. Even Hungary has withdrawn its objections on this issue. Our goal for July is to open the next seven clusters. If we don’t demonstrate momentum, Moldova will move forward along with the Balkan countries, and Ukraine will simply be thrown off the train.

Ms. Kos and I also discussed in detail the broad involvement of all political and social forces in the European integration process. EU integration is not the work of a single political force or individual officials. It is a joint effort by the president, the government, parliament, the civil society, local government, and journalists.

Only unity will help us leave Russia’s sphere of influence once and for all. We can’t stop, because moving within the EU is like riding a bicycle: either you keep pedaling and head for Brussels, or you fall and get sucked back into Russia. There’s no other way.

Host: The last question is very important. They want to take about 40 billion hryvnias from the defense budget, specifically funds for purchasing weapons for the Ukrainian Armed Forces. Is there any chance of changing this decision?

Petro Poroshenko: I’ll repeat again that the glass is half full, although making the right decision tomorrow will be very difficult. Unfortunately, the leadership of the mono-majority has given the order not to support any opposition amendments at all.

But how can 40 billion hryvnias be taken away for weapons procurement during a full-scale war? The president declares the need to increase pay for frontline troops, but these expenses are not fully budgeted. Meanwhile, the authorities propose spending the money on dubious PR projects, the “winter thousand,” or the production of television films. This is a completely anti-state policy.

I’ll be speaking in the Verkhovna Rada and trying to convince my colleagues. The current situation is very reminiscent of late 2021, when we demanded an additional 100 billion hryvnias for the deployment of territorial defense brigades, only to be told the money was needed for road construction. Every Ukrainian buying military bonds or paying military tax should be confident that their funds are being used exclusively for the needs of the defense forces, and not for corrupt deals.

The situation is similar in the energy sector: tariffs are rising, but the generation sector is not protected from Russian attacks. The authorities are not building shunting capacity, not stockpiling transformers, and are hoping that we’ll get through another winter “somehow.” This won’t happen. The only way out of this systemic crisis is the creation of a government of national unity, transparency in public procurement, and a tough fight against corruption in the defense sector. We will fight for this, and we certainly won’t remain silent.

Host: Thank you, Petr Alekseevich. We trust that understanding will be found, and next time we’ll speak with a fully filled glass.

Petro Poroshenko: Thank you for the invitation! Next time, I’ll definitely come with Roshen ice cream. I was surprised to learn that videos featuring this ice cream on my TikTok and Facebook are getting millions of views. Next time, I’ll show you a new ice cream with cats, and we’ll donate all the profits to our cats in the Ukrainian Armed Forces, who are now heroically destroying the enemy on the front lines.

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