List 527: Mindich’s private intelligence against the Patriots

Source: Author’s Facebook page

Today, it is no longer possible to dismiss Mindichgate as just another tale of greedy businessmen in power. The tapes, the NABU investigation, and the anti-corruption committee reports reveal a deeper reality: this is not merely a corruption ring, but a structure exerting forceful control over the state.

A private punitive matrix, embedded in the current system of power, gathers dossiers on anyone who obstructs the schemers’ necroeconomy — and uses state instruments to intimidate, discredit, and neutralize those deemed inconvenient.

This story is more dangerous than any “fortification theft,” because it reveals something far deeper: alongside the Constitution, there exists a second, informal constitution — a constitution of fear. Fear of those with access to closed registries, “their” law enforcement officers, and hundreds of personal files on detectives, MPs, ministers, journalists, and officers.

And until this shadow constitution is burned to ashes, Ukraine may remain a republic on paper, but in practice it will be a managed landscape for necromancers who feed on the state’s decay.

Mindich’s group maintained an array of 527 profiles — complete, detailed, confidential. Addresses. Passports. Travel routes. Family ties. Employment. All of it, according to NABU, was gathered not by “amateur journalists,” but through access to closed state registers.

Among the “clients” were 15 NABU detectives investigating the energy and power sectors; 16 MPs, including members of the anti-corruption committee; 18 ministers and deputy ministers; 10 investigative journalists; 9 SBU officers; and senior managers at Ukrenergo, Naftogaz, and other state giants.
Particularly cynical is the fact that several of these profiles were compiled five days before the attack on NABU and SAP on 17 July.

This is not a coincidence. This is the preparation of the battlefield.
Why assemble such arrays? To be able to switch them on at any moment:

– deploy targeted “information showers” and engineered fakes;
– produce kompromat — authentic or manufactured;
– coordinate “raids” through compliant law‑enforcement units;
– and deliver a message to the elites: we know everything about you; you are not actors here — you are there only to sign what they lay on your desk.

This is a classic arsenal of intimidation and kompromat techniques — straight from the NKVD playbook — now in the hands of private groups tied to the innermost circle. And deploying state power of this scale against opponents, patriots, and investigators is not just abusive; it is costly by design.

Two hundred million hryvnias siphoned from Poltava OVA’s fortifications; dozens of criminal cases against other regional administrations over defence‑time embezzlement; hundreds of millions pulled out of Energoatom through “Svitlo M”; financial streams supposedly “overseen through the banks” yet never flagged in a single monitoring report — this is necroeconomics in its purest form. Profit not from development, but from decay. From trenches without concrete, warehouses without ventilation, armour without integrity.

And for necroeconomics to function, it needs a power dome. Without it, a NABU detective, a journalist, a member of parliament, or an OVA head who chooses to act as an officer rather than a necromancer will appear — and the whole construction collapses.

Mindich’s tapes show that this dome existed — and, more importantly, that it was engineered as a separate subsystem. Security in private hands, protecting the scheme rather than the state. e.

In a healthy state, law‑enforcement bodies are safeguards. In an infiltrated state, they become instruments for managing the political elite. The most disturbing part of this story is not that Mindich kept dossiers on journalists or detectives. The real danger is that those at the top of the formal hierarchy were also under his “pencil”: ministers, MPs, senior managers, security officers.

And somewhere in Kyiv, there is already a file for every “one” and ten for every “other”. And there will always be someone ready to “remind” you at the right moment: we know where you live, who your children are, what you wrote before 2014, how you travelled, whom you befriended, and what your vulnerabilities are. We don’t need to beat the truth out of you. A fake fed into a well‑tuned machine of leaks and “analytical” Telegram channels works no worse than genuine kompromat.

This is the method of imposing forceful control over the president’s circle and senior leadership: bypassing official structures and transparency, relying instead on private entities’ information deployed as a tool

When the NACP appears on the tapes with the line, “I gave twenty to the NACP,” and the head of the agency tells the committee, “We couldn’t identify who he meant,” the issue is not a specific $20,000. It is about the readiness of certain institutions to act as elements of necroeconomics — to see nothing for long stretches of time, to “clarify” endlessly, until deadlines expire and documents lose meaning.

When ARMA openly acknowledges that it has no physical access to Zakharchenko’s seized estate — the same estate where NABU recorded Galushchenko’s presence — and that outsiders have been using the property for years, this is not an “administrative oversight.” It means that, in Ukraine, seizure is not the end of a scheme but the transition to a new stage of necronomic exploitation.

When the SBU fails to identify a single NABU detective or SAPO prosecutor working for the aggressor, despite loud public claims of “massive Moscow infiltration,” it shows that these accusations were not the product of investigation but a convenient tool of discrediting — timed perfectly for those who feared real inquiries.

When the Prosecutor General’s Office asks the SBU to take over Magamedrasulov’s case — a case that by law belongs to the State Bureau of Investigation — it signals a clear intent: to keep hold of a thread that may lead to people who fear exposure.

These details are not random noise. They form a pattern.

A pattern showing that key power institutions have been reshaped from state bodies into structures serving a private punitive system. And this system does not exist on its own — it is sustained by what passes for the political elite.
There is no need for illusions: the 527 dossier is not about protecting the state; it is the key to controlling its key figures.

This is a way to keep not only detectives but even those closest to the president constantly on edge.

A way to remind anyone:

“Today you’re in the room — tomorrow you’re on the list. And we decide when your time runs out.”

In such a system, it no longer matters whether Zelenskyy personally ordered the creation of these profiles. What matters is something else: the architecture he built — or allowed to emerge — gives the necromancers everything they need to replace a republic with a cartel. And when Zelenskyy responds by “dismissing two ministers,” it resembles offering the public a drop of blood to calm the public while keeping the blood‑forming organs untouched.

For a country at war, this is lethally dangerous.
Because the necroeconomy, supported by forceful control over the top brass and the president’s entourage, means:
– any “peace plan” will pass through the filter of those who have an interest in preserving the schemes;
– any attempt at cleansing will be met not just with political resistance, but with a forceful pushback;
– any informal “bargaining” about the future of the country will take place in conditions where the participants know: they are being watched, there are files on them, and they can be hacked.

This is no longer a story about “corruption in wartime.”

It is a story about the internal loss of sovereignty.

Mindichgate is not a mere scandal. It is the backbone of a system in which private, unaccountable actors wield control over state elites and the president’s inner circle. Unless this system is dismantled, no “reforms” will matter. The question is not whether Mindich will go to prison; the real question is whether we will destroy the machinery of 527 dossiers, shadow operatives, and uniformed necromancers who decide whom to silence and whom to burn in public. If we fail, control over the state will remain in the hands of others.

And in that case, any future “peace plan,” “reset,” or “reconstruction” will be nothing more than fresh packaging for the same necroeconomic empire — an empire that does not exist for Ukraine, but for its own right to feed on the country’s decay.

Also, follow “Pryamyi” on Facebook, Twitter, Telegram, and Instagram.

• Materials published in the “OPINIONS” section reflect the opinion of the author of the publication, who bears full responsibility for the accuracy of the information.
• The editorial staff of prm.ua may not share the opinions expressed in the author’s material.
• The owner of the webpage in the “OPINIONS” section is the author of the publication.